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December 6, 2007
Headache: Donating Food That Does Not Exist, To Countries That Cannot Handle It, Amidst An International Firestorm
In the season of giving and charity, it may be appropriate to explore what the US does in the way of charitable donations to the world’s family of countries. After all, the food donations to needy countries are produced by farmers, and there are substantial taxpayer funds, farmers included, who pay for commodities to be donated and shipped abroad. Food aid is part of the Farm Bill trade title, so let’s shed some light on it.
The US has donated food to needy countries for many years, but came into prominence with humanitarian relief after World War II and became organized during the Eisenhower Administration’s PL-480 program. Most farmers have taken pride in those efforts, but with the world culture changing, complaints that it is unfair trade, and the high cost of the programs, the entire issue of food aid has come under greater scrutiny. Purdue agricultural economist Phillip Abbott’s Overview of Food Aid & the Farm Bill organizes food aid into three categories:
1) Emergency relief augments food supplies or rebuilds productive assets following natural disasters or political strife.
2) Project food aid funds a wide range of development projects implemented by foreign governments or private voluntary organizations (NGOs).
3) Program aid provides balance of payments support to recipient governments to cover food import costs as well as other foreign exchange needs.
Abbott says program and project aid are often “monetized” as donated food is sold in recipient countries and receipts fund broad development programs and emergency food aid is more likely to use food rather than cash donations.
Those types of aid are included in eight different federal programs, which have budgetary allocations that ranged from $0 to $803 million in 2006. The primary programs which are part of Public Law 480 observed their 50th anniversary in 2004, but were subjected to criticism because of multiple purposes that have changed over time.
One of the biggest challenges to food aid programs is the fact the 1985 and 1995 Farm Bills created policies that ensured the market would handle any production surpluses, instead of the Commodity Credit Corporation, which currently holds no surplus food products. Without surplus food being available for donation, critics rhetorically asked why such programs exist. This parallels the negotiations in the World Trade Organization at which the European Union has offered elimination of its export subsidy program that had shipped food to countries at substantially reduced prices. In turn the EU wanted the US to reciprocate by eliminating programs the EU thought were similar, although the US characterized them as outright donations. As part of the negotiations, several issues become dominant:
1) Cash donations are more easily handled than containers of food products.
2) When the donated commodity gets to its destination, should it be donated or sold?
3) Donated food displaces imports from commercial sources.
4) Food donations create a disincentive for recipient countries to produce their own food.
5) US food donations have to be shipped on US carriers, and freight charges are 40% of the budget.
6) Purchase of local food, or from nearby countries reduce transportation and handling costs.
The US is prohibited by trade agreements from using food aid as an export subsidy, but Abbott says the concern exists because donated food is less available when prices are high and needy countries are less able to purchase it, such as the current situation with many commodities. WTO negotiators have agreed that export subsidies are improper, donated food should not displace commercial purchases, and donors should give cash rather than food products. The US has rejected the concept of cash instead of food, and has said no cash would be forthcoming during natural emergencies, if the rule stands.
As the Congress rewrites the Farm Bill, several issues are noteworthy:
1) Food aid is part of the permanent 1949 legislation, but calls for donations to be made from surplus government stocks.
2) The last major overhaul of food aid programs was in the 1991 Farm Bill.
3) USDA is urging Congress to use some PL-480 funds for the purchase of local foods to assist people in a food aid crisis.
Abbott says food aid is a bargaining chip in the current WTO negotiations with respect to export competition, and any final agreement will contain changes from the current US policy on food aid. It is difficult for both the Congress and trade negotiators to settle upon the same solutions in two different arenas. While cash is a more efficient way of providing aid, but there are strong political interests calling for that cash to be used to buy US commodities. However that issue and the requirement for donations to be shipped on US carriers may take precedent over the most efficient help being provided to the needy.
Summary:
The US has a long and proud history of providing surplus food to needy countries, particularly in times of emergencies. But other nations see the action as displacing sales of their food to the needy, and the US no longer has stores of government owned food to donate. So, change is forcing new rules to be written for food aid donations in the World Trade Organization rules. While this comes at the same time as the Farm Bill and its trade title is being revised, there is no certainty for agreement on policy.
Posted by Stu Ellis at December 6, 2007 12:27 AM | Permalink
Comments
Poorer nations often find it difficult to pursue food security (ability of their own farmers to produce their own food) in the face of international pressure to open up their markets and import foodstuffs. These nations must have the right to protect their own farmers to be able to produce their own food, without the fear of economic or political intimidation by the United States and other rich nations. Poor nations seldom have the luxury to subsidize their farmers, who represent a high percentage of their population. We had a similar percentage of farmers in the United States in the early 1900s.
Since 1991, I have had the privilege of serving as a volunteer or technical assistant on agricultural developmental assistance assignments to Estonia, Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Bulgaria, Croatia, Albania and Kazakhstan. These new, independent democracies, which were formerly under Communist rule, have welcomed joint-venture capital from the West to rejuvenate their ailing businesses and industries. Far too often, leaders in these poorer nations been taken in by the "free-traders" and opened their borders to food and grain imports that have decimated their own farm economies.
In 1992, Finland was exporting butter and cheese to Estonia, priced so cheaply, the Fins were coming over and buying large quantities to take back home. Estonian farmers were receiving only about $6/cwt. for milk and there were thousands of tons of Estonian butter and cheese in storage.
In August of 1993, Estonian farmers reported they could get only $52/metric ton (2204 lb.) for wheat, barley, rye or oats--when they could find a buyer. For wheat, $52/metric ton would be only $1.38/bushel. Estonian farmers were paying more than 30% interest on operating capital. At the same time, it was reported in the English version of "The Baltic Press" that the United States was negotiating with Latvia (Estonia's next-door neighbor to the south) to send them 200,000 tons of PL-480 corn.
The Latvians would need to pay as much as $50/metric ton freight to receive this "free" corn.
In western Poland in March of 1994, frozen chicken leg-parts, imported from the United States were selling for 89¢/lb. In the same store, neatly packaged frozen whole Polish chicken processed in a town nearby was selling for $1.04/lb. A few days later, when I got back home in Dyersville, Iowa, chicken leg-parts were priced at only 49¢/lb. Polish farms average only about 18 acres, and interest on borrowed money at that time was running 30% to 50% per year.
In June of 1994, the Dutch were sending cheese to Estonia. The Estonians said the quality was such that it should have been fed to livestock, yet this cheese was neatly packaged and taking the place of Estonian cheese. The farm price for milk was only slightly more than $6/cwt. in Estonia. Farmers were discouraged that their government was not protecting their borders.
In April of 1993, while at a former collective in Hungary, I found they could often not market butcher hogs because the processor was busy slaughtering hogs from Western Europe. At that time, butcher hogs were $38/cwt. in Hungary and $52 in the European Union.
In 1995, a German company had joint-ventured with a very large former State fruit processing plant in western Poland. The plant was processing fruit from Germany, while nearby Polish farmers' fruit was rotting in the field.
About the same time, a multinational ice-cream bar company had purchased franchises all over Hungary. The company was bringing dairy products from Western Europe to sell in these franchises, while the farm price for milk was as low as $6/cwt. and Hungarian dairy farms and processing plants were going bankrupt. I was told that more than half the dairy products sold in the cities in Hungary were imported.
Smithfield Foods, the largest vertically integrated hog producer-processor in America, recently bought one of the largest slaughter plants in Poland. The present-day market-inexperienced Polish farmers are no match for such sophistication. It would be like Smithfield Foods moving into Iowa in 1910.
These are just a few examples of poorer nations' farmers suffering from unprotected markets. Similar cases have been documented all over the world. These are some of the same reasons people from poorer nations were so disturbed with the WTO in Seattle.
Martin--
Thanks for sharing some excellent anecdotes. They certainly aid in the understanding of the complexity of the issues at hand.
--Stu
Posted by: Martin Clark at December 9, 2007 1:37 PM
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